Political Science Critique https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PSC <p><strong>Journal of Political Science Critique </strong></p> <p>ISSN (Online) 2822-0951</p> <p>Journal of <em>Political Science Critique</em> (PSC) is an academic journal publishes academic articles that dedicated in the scope of political science, international relations, public administration, sociology, anthropology, Asian study in scope of area studies from teachers, scholars, researchers, and graduate students in said fields. All the submitted manuscripts were reviewed via a tripple-blind peer review system, and from 2022 onward, all submitted manuscripts will be reviewed by three expert reviewers. PSC provides researchers with a distinctive opportunity to disseminate their work <strong><em>without any submission fees</em></strong>. PSC has published 2 issues annually, in June and December via https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PSC</p> <p> </p> <p><strong>Aims and Scope:</strong></p> <p>Journal of <em>Political Science Critique</em> focuses on Asian study within the scope of political science, international relations, public administration, sociology, anthropology, and area studies that emphasizes political, economic, social, religious, and cultural dimensions.</p> <p> </p> <p><strong>Start Year:</strong></p> <p>Journal of <em>Political Science Critique</em> (PSC) formerly known as Asia Journal. The journal was renamed in 2019 since volume 6 issue 12 (July - December 2019). The former issues can be browsed at http://www.asiajournal.ru.ac.th/.</p> <p> </p> <p><strong>Language:</strong></p> <p>PSC accepts manuscripts in English only. Authors must adhere to academic writing standards and are required to have their manuscripts reviewed by a language expert prior to submission to the journal.</p> <p> </p> <p><strong>Publication Fee:</strong></p> <p>Journal of <em>Political Science Critique</em> (PSC) is funded by the Centre of Politics, Social and Area Studies, Faculty of Political Science, Ramkhamhaeng University. As a result, PSC does not charge fees at any stage of publication.</p> <p> </p> <p><strong>Issues Per year:</strong></p> <p>PSC publishes two issues a year.</p> <p>- Issue 1 (January - June)</p> <p>- Issue 2 (July- December)</p> <p> </p> <p><strong>Open Access:</strong></p> <p>Journal of <em>Political Science Critique</em> (PSC) operates on the ThaiJO online platform, an open-access journal service platform managed by the Thai-Journal Citation Index (TCI) Centre. This platform is fully accessible and free of charge.</p> <p> </p> <p><strong>Publisher:</strong></p> <p>Centre of Politics, Social and Area Studies, Faculty of Political Science, Ramkhamhaeng University.</p> <p>Ramkhamhaeng Road, Hua Mak, Bang Kapi, Bangkok 10240</p> <p>E-mail: ps.critique@gmail.com</p> <p>Tel. +66-2310-8497</p> <p> </p> en-US <p><em>All contents and information in the manuscripts published by Journal of Political Science Critique are the authors’ opinions; thus, the authors take sole responsibility for any contents. The editorial board does not agree with or accept responsibility for the manuscripts.</em></p> <p><em>All published articles, information, contents, pictures, or other things in Journal of Political Science Critique are Copyright by the Journal. All Rights Reserved. All contents may not be copied or duplicated in whole or part by any means without the prior written permission of Journal of Political Science Critique.</em></p> sakonrat.ji@rumail.ru.ac.th (Sakonrat Jirarungruangwong) ps.critique@gmail.com (Kan Boonyakanchana) Fri, 27 Jun 2025 00:00:00 +0700 OJS 3.3.0.8 http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/tech/rss 60 Editorial https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PSC/article/view/281990 ps.critique admin Copyright (c) 2025 Political Science Critique https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PSC/article/view/281990 Thu, 26 Jun 2025 00:00:00 +0700 Guideline for manuscript submission https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PSC/article/view/281992 <p>ส่วนหลัง 1-68</p> ps.critique admin Copyright (c) 2025 Political Science Critique https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PSC/article/view/281992 Thu, 26 Jun 2025 00:00:00 +0700 Buddha Amulets and the Reflection of Political Ideologies of Thai Elites from 1864-1988 https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PSC/article/view/277568 <p>This article study on Buddha amulets as a tool reflecting Thai political elites’ ideologies in each period. The article aims to show that elites in Thai politics propagated their political ideologies through various means, including the utilization of Buddha amulets as a tool to discreetly propagate their ideologies.</p> <p>This study aims to answer the main question of how Buddha amulets, as a tool, received ideologies from Thai political elites in each period and how they helped display and propagate those ideologies. The time period studied is from the 1864 to 1988. The researcher demonstrates in this study that, although the presence of Buddha amulets seem to be common in the everyday life of the Buddhists and so closely connected with religion that it is hard to realize how they are related to politics, Buddha amulets don’t only possess religious function, but also political function as a tool for Thai political elites, who created them in that particular period, to communicate to the people. This function of Buddha amulets is apparent throughout Thai history. It may also be said that Buddha amulets, especially medallions, emerged almost at the same time they were utilized in politics. One of the reasons is that Thai communication system in the past didn’t have the technology enabling political contact or propagation. Therefore, everyday life things such as Buddha amulets were utilized as a tool to send political messages or spread ideologies of the elites who were in the position of power in each period. Furthermore, it seems like Buddha amulets were a highly effective tool for propagating and planting political ideologies. This is because those in possession of Buddha amulets usually carry them around all the time or otherwise place them on the altar for worship, and when people strongly believe in something, they tend to believe in other aspects attached to those things as well. Moreover, the production cost for Buddha amulets is extremely low, and they can be produced in large numbers compared with other ways of propagation which cost more and are not as effective as embedding the ideologies into Buddha amulets and let people wear or carry them around. As a result, Buddha amulets become an extremely effective tool for propagating ideologies</p> Suphachai Suphaphol Copyright (c) 2025 Political Science Critique https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PSC/article/view/277568 Thu, 26 Jun 2025 00:00:00 +0700 Global Governance of Wine Quality Standards https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PSC/article/view/277266 <p>This research article is the first in a series of publications from the study titled “Global Governance of Wine Quality Standards.” The research aims to investigate the global governance processes of wine standards and the roles of various related actors. This first article focuses specifically on the governance of Old World wine, which is the origin of wine production knowledge, especially in Europe and particularly in France. It further examines how this has evolved into a global wine governance process, with the International Organisation of Vine and Wine (OIV)—the largest and oldest international wine organization—as a key actor. The article discusses the OIV’s role through the four-step global governance process proposed by Thomas G. Weiss and Ramesh Thakur, which includes managing knowledge, developing norms, formulating and promulgating recommendations, and institutionalizing ideas. The findings indicate that the OIV has played a crucial role in establishing quality standards and maintaining uniformity in the European wine industry, impacting global perceptions of wine quality. However, with New World wines gaining greater market share and consumer expectations shifting, this research points to the need for Old World wine standards to adapt in order to maintain influence in an increasingly decentralized and reputation-driven global market. The concept of decentralized reputation-based global governance, which plays a critical role in the modern wine industry, will be discussed in detail in a forthcoming research paper.</p> Pailin Kittisereechai, Akekalak Chaiyapumee Copyright (c) 2025 Political Science Critique https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PSC/article/view/277266 Thu, 26 Jun 2025 00:00:00 +0700 Democracy and Deliberation: A Case Study of Deliberation on Draft Constitution https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PSC/article/view/276428 <p>This research aims on studying concepts and formats of deliberative democracy in various aspects, especially in term of process that would be suitable for development of culture of deep listening and result-based deliberation. In conducting this research, both qualitative and participatory methodologies were used in order to experiment the usefulness of deliberative dialogue in clarifying some particular conflicted issues from the draft of constitution. The findings of this research are shown as follows; 1) in the contextual aspect regarding problem of Thai democracy, it is found that, a constitution either in the contexts or the drafting process and political power relation reflexes the issue of democratic value and protracted social conflict in Thailand, and 2) on the process context, it is found that, the utilization of “issue book” is the key instrument in deliberative dialogue process.</p> Ngamsuk Ruttanasatain, Bordin Saisaeng Copyright (c) 2025 Political Science Critique https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PSC/article/view/276428 Thu, 26 Jun 2025 00:00:00 +0700 Moderation and the Problem of Tyranny in Modern Republic: Montesquieu https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PSC/article/view/279023 <p>The issue of tyranny and moderation has been a persistent theme in political philosophy. For classical political philosophers, tyranny arises when moderation is violated, leading to partial or unjust applications of justice. This article mainly aims to study Montesquieu’s political philosophy through his most popular book, The Spirit of the Laws. It argues that Montesquieu revived the concept of "moderation” to address the tyranny inherent in social contract theories. Montesquieu contended that some extreme maxims of social contract theorists’ philosophical doctrine result in degeneration and tyranny. The core problem with social contract theories lies in their abstract or purely theoretical foundations. Montesquieu proposed that an understanding of the "nature of things" and the "spirit of the laws" is essential for designing a suitable form of government. While he did not advocate for a specific form of government, he presented a model of moderate government for the modern republic, drawing from the Constitution of England, emphasizing the separation of powers and checks and balances to prevent the abuse of authority. Also, the English "commercial republic" is grounded on the realistic idea of human nature, allowing individuals to pursue wealth and status while ensuring political freedom within a well-structured government. Within the framework of the English commercial modern republic, the regulation of individual desires is conceived not as a suppression of state liberty but as a rational calibration aimed at preserving the common good. Such a polity aspires to reconcile the tension between personal autonomy and collective stability by instituting a non-extremist, well-ordered form of government that safeguards both political and economic freedoms.</p> Hasanai Sukcharoen Copyright (c) 2025 Political Science Critique https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PSC/article/view/279023 Thu, 26 Jun 2025 00:00:00 +0700 A Unique Transition to the Democratic Constitutional Monarchy in Bhutan https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PSC/article/view/281190 <p>Bhutan’s transition to a constitutional monarchy in 2008 marks it as the second country in the world, after Denmark, to have undergone such a peaceful transformation without violence or bloodshed. Over a span of more than two decades and through four general elections, Bhutan can be said to have successfully established a new political system. Importantly, this transition carries several distinctive characteristics, making it truly unique, unlike any other political transformation in the world. This transition cannot be fully explained by any existing theory of political transition synthesized by scholars, whether focused on structural factors or agency, particularly regarding the role of political crisis or conflict. Instead, Bhutan’s transition was initiated and persistently driven by the monarchy itself. This began in 1953 during the reign of King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck, the third king of the Wangchuck Dynasty. and represents a carefully planned and gradual path toward a democratic system with the monarch as head of state. The Fourth King played a pivotal role by initiating the constitutional drafting process in 2001, which culminated in the adoption of the Constitution in 2008, marking the centenary of the Wangchuck dynasty, and coinciding with the ascension of the Fifth King, Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, the current monarch. In the interim, the Fourth King formally abdicated in 2005 at the age of only 51, while the Crown Prince was only 28. Additionally, a royal decree was issued mandating that Bhutanese monarchs must abdicate upon reaching the age of 65, as later codified in Article 6 of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Bhutan. This phenomenon thus opens up new frontiers in political science knowledge, particularly in the design of political and administrative structures under a democratic constitutional monarchy. It calls for further comparative research on royal abdication and hereditary succession in constitutional monarchies.</p> <p>powers and checks and balances to prevent the abuse of authority. Also, the English "commercial republic" is grounded on the realistic idea of human nature, allowing individuals to pursue wealth and status while ensuring political freedom within a well-structured government. Within the framework of the English commercial modern republic, the regulation of individual desires is conceived not as a suppression of state liberty but as a rational calibration aimed at preserving the common good. Such a polity aspires to reconcile the tension between personal autonomy and collective stability by instituting a non-extremist, well-ordered form of government that safeguards both political and economic freedoms.</p> Bulanchine Udomariyasap Copyright (c) 2025 Political Science Critique https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PSC/article/view/281190 Thu, 26 Jun 2025 00:00:00 +0700 Feminism and International Security: From State Security to Human Security https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PSC/article/view/279884 <p>This academic article examines international security through a feminist framework, critiquing mainstream theories that center on state and military power, which are influenced by Realism and Neo-realism. These conventional approaches reflect androcentric values and neglect gender dimensions. Feminist scholars propose expanding the security concept beyond the state level to the individual level through the "Human Security" framework, which considers social, economic, and gender factors. The article also discusses how militarization processes and security discourses shape women's roles in security sectors. Feminists argue that these women are incorporated into security structures without bargaining power. Furthermore, the article suggests that integrating feminist perspectives can expand the scope of international security studies to be more comprehensive and lead to security approaches that address gender dimensions and social justice.</p> Preechaya Yossomsak Copyright (c) 2025 Political Science Critique https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PSC/article/view/279884 Thu, 26 Jun 2025 00:00:00 +0700 Global Governance: Power, Cooperation, and Challenges in the 21st Century https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PSC/article/view/279165 <p>This article examines the concept of global governance, which plays a crucial role in addressing transnational issues through international cooperation and diverse actors. It explores the development, meaning, dynamics, and power dimensions of global governance, employing a framework of four types of power: compulsory, institutional, structural, and productive. While global governance offers advantages in tackling global challenges, fostering inter-state cooperation, and establishing universal standards, it concurrently faces significant limitations, including weak enforcement mechanisms, unequal participation among actors, and the influence of major powers, potentially contributing to systemic injustice.</p> <p>The article concludes that global governance is a complex and ever-evolving system involving multiple actors in shaping global rules and regulations. Although it facilitates cross-border cooperation, national interests remain a significant barrier. Case examples, such as environmental issues and cross-border pandemics, underscore both the importance of global governance and the challenges of its implementation across different contexts. Finally, the article proposes recommendations to enhance the effectiveness of global governance mechanisms in the future, aiming for more sustainable and equitable responses to humanity's shared challenges.</p> Pichaya Witoonkitja Copyright (c) 2025 Political Science Critique https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PSC/article/view/279165 Thu, 26 Jun 2025 00:00:00 +0700