Journal of East Asian and ASEAN Studies https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/eascramJ <p>The Journal of East Asian and ASEAN Studies is an academic journal published by East Asian Studies Center Faculty of Political Science, Ramkhamhaeng University. Initially, it was published in a small format of booklet primarily in Thai language on a yearly basis. But from 2012 onwards, the volume of the Journal has been enlarged with varieties of contents to include articles in English as well in Chinese language. Beginning from 2015 the publication is scheduled to be published twice yearly to accommodate with the increasing demands for research publication requirement.&nbsp;</p> <p>The purpose of this Journal aims to disseminate knowledge on the region of East Asia including ASEAN countries in various disciplines, as this part of Asia&nbsp; is moving closer together towards a tightly link area. As a multi-disciplinary publication with emphasis mainly on Social Science and Humanity, the Journal’s principal focus cover sub-disciplines such as sociology, politics, security, history, international relations, economics and cooperation, business, philosophy, law, religious and ethnic identities, cultural studies, language and literature, local community, environment, public-private management and governance etc.</p> ศูนย์การเมือง สังคมและอาณาบริเวณศึกษา th-TH Journal of East Asian and ASEAN Studies 1686-378X <p>บทความที่ตีพิมพ์ได้ผ่านการพิจารณาจากผู้ทรงคุณวุฒิ ทัศนะและข้อคิดเห็นจาก บทความในวารสารเป็นของผู้เขียน ไม่ถือเป็นความรับผิดชอบของคณะผู้จัดทำและศูนย์การเมือง สังคม และอาณาบริเวณศึกษา การนำบทความในวารสารไปตีพิมพ์ซ้ำต้องได้รับอนุญาตจาก กองบรรณาธิการ</p> An analysis of cooperation mechanisms of with the private sector of the joint public and private sector consultative committee (JPPSCC) 2014-2023 https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/eascramJ/article/view/284068 <p>This study aims to (1) analyze the formation process, conceptual framework, and design of the Joint Public and Private Sector Consultative Committee (JPPSCC) for addressing economic problems between 2014–2023, (2) examine the actors and roles involved in its operations, and (3) propose a development model for the JPPSCC. Employing a qualitative approach, the research utilized semi-structured interviews and documentary analysis. Ten key informants were selected, including government officials, private sector representatives, and academics. The findings reveal four critical factors: (1) the necessity of establishing the JPPSCC, driven by private sector expertise and practical experience; (2) adaptation to changing social, economic, and political contexts, which reshaped working methods and communication channels; (3) collaboration influenced by political party roles prior to 2014 and subsequent limitations on the committee; and (4) achievements and constraints linked to Cabinet mobile meetings, where proposals from non-host provinces were often overlooked. Actor roles required prior coordination between private sector representatives and relevant ministries, with government agencies not always dominant due to the strong influence of the Joint Standing Committee. The proposed development model comprises seven elements: 1) responsive policy formulation, 2) promotion of collaboration, 3) policy coordination, 4) resource support, 5) monitoring and evaluation, 6) innovation and policy improvement, and 7) sustainability of public policy. Policy recommendations emphasize clear coordination mechanisms, transparency in decision-making, and expanded communication channels to ensure equitable consideration of proposals from all regions.</p> ยุพดี หวังทวีทรัพย์ Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of East Asian and ASEAN Studies https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-30 2025-12-30 25 2 82 102 Place-based Development as an Alternative to Infrastructure Mega-Projects: A Political Economy Perspective and Everyday Resistance in Ranong Province, Southern Thailand https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/eascramJ/article/view/282550 <p>Ranong Province, located in southern Thailand, is endowed with rich and diverse coastal and marine ecosystems, traditional economy reliant on artisanal fisheries, and a service sector rooted in eco-tourism and health-based industries, has been designated as a strategic site for national-scale infrastructure development. However, this top-down spatial designation reflects a development trajectory primarily shaped by macroeconomic imperatives, rather than by ecological, socio-economic, or cultural specificities of the area. Drawing from a political economy perspective, this trajectory reveals how centralized state planning privileges capital accumulation and investment-led growth while marginalizing local needs, knowledge, and livelihoods. Moreover, by incorporating the everyday politics, this paper highlights how local communities experience, contest, and negotiate development interventions in their daily interactions with state institutions and local’s sociopolitical context. This paper advocates for a place-based development approach and place-sensitive strategies in shaping sustainable development trajectories for Ranong Province. Such an approach not only acknowledges local socio-ecological contexts but also recognizes the agency of subaltern actors in co-producing more just and equitable futures. The analysis is situated within broader concerns of community rights, spatial equity, and the capacity of local actors to meaningfully participate in defining their own development pathways.</p> Wipawadee Panyangnoi Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of East Asian and ASEAN Studies https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-30 2025-12-30 25 2 103 138 A Comparative study of Humanitarian Emergency in EU and ASEAN Countries https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/eascramJ/article/view/282557 <p>This study provides a comparative analysis of humanitarian issues concerning refugees and their impacts on state security in the European Union and ASEAN countries. The research objectives are: (1) to examine the humanitarian problems related to refugees in the European Union and ASEAN countries; (2) to comparatively study the humanitarian values and norms concerning refugees, the implementation of regional organizational cooperation frameworks, and state security intentions of countries in the European Union and ASEAN; and (3) to analyze and observe the contradictions between humanitarian principles and practices with state security and related matters. This qualitative research employs documentary research from primary and secondary sources and descriptive analysis methods.</p> <p> The findings reveal that: (1) Both the European Union and ASEAN countries currently serve as the targeted destinations for most of the refugees. However, the refugee crisis in European Union countries primarily stems from the influx of refugees from outside the region, which differs from ASEAN countries that face problems mainly from intra-regional refugees rather than those from outside the region. (2) Although European Union countries possess stronger humanitarian norms regarding refugees and regional organizational cooperation compared to ASEAN countries, both European Union and ASEAN countries still prioritize state security over humanitarian principles. (3) The contradiction between humanitarian principles and national security in European Union and ASEAN countries results from states that prioritize its own security as the primary decision-makers in refugee management policies. The research provides some policy recommendations for ASEAN countries to study the lessons learnt from European Union countries in order to improve the effectiveness of regional refugee crisis management.</p> pakawadee suphunjitwana Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of East Asian and ASEAN Studies https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-30 2025-12-30 25 2 139 172 ส่วนหน้า https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/eascramJ/article/view/285417 wannida promnimit Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of East Asian and ASEAN Studies https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-30 2025-12-30 25 2 i xvii แนวทางการพิจารณาและการส่งบทความเพื่อตีพิมพ์ในวารสารเอเชียตะวันออก เเละอาเซียนศึกษาของศูนย์การเมือง สังคมและอาณาบริเวณศึกษา https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/eascramJ/article/view/285418 wannida promnimit Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of East Asian and ASEAN Studies https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-30 2025-12-30 25 2 173 188 Lobbying in Politics on Democratic Regime https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/eascramJ/article/view/280622 <p>This article aims to present the forms and characteristics of lobbying, including the characteristics of lobbyists, in order to gain knowledge and understanding of lobbying in the Thai political system under a democratic regime, in terms of both benefits and negative aspects, using a documentary research method in the form of historical research and the context of current Thai political society. The results of the study found that lobbying in the Thai political system under a democratic regime occurs at all political levels, local, regional, and national, based on the principle of majority legitimacy or majority vote, through lobbying, negotiation, and using influence to make decisions that affect politics, governance, public administration, and political business. Lobbying in the Thai political system can be found in 2 ways: direct and indirect. These 2 types of lobbyists are: Direct lobbyists are politicians who act to approve, vote, and support the enactment of laws to be enforced, and set government/public policies to be implemented. Indirect lobbyists are the people who persuade them to participate in politics, to push for or oppose government administration by calling for protests, holding referendums, etc. Lobbying in Thailand is supported by the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand B.E. 2560, with the intention of benefiting all Thai people. At the same time, negative lobbying is: It is a process that leads to corruption according to the principles of good governance.</p> Nuttawaj Chleobangyang Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of East Asian and ASEAN Studies https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-30 2025-12-30 25 2 1 15 The results for human Thai people rights from the culture and standards of political ethics https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/eascramJ/article/view/278730 <p>The <strong>Universal Declaration of Human Rights</strong> and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, as well as the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which Thailand has accepted and acceded to as accession, there principles are enshrining in the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand, starting with the first version in B.E. 2540, and the current version, the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand B.E. 2560. The important intention is protecting rights, freedoms and promote human dignity, all of secondary laws to result for human rights of the Thai people as only alphabet. However, in practice, rights and freedoms are still violated because the Thai social culture is patronage system with discrimination, while the Thai people receive a little benefit from political ethical.</p> Kasemsanta Amnueypol Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of East Asian and ASEAN Studies https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-30 2025-12-30 25 2 16 33 Thai Socio-culture in value of Marriage Equality Generation Z era https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/eascramJ/article/view/278731 <p>The demand for fundamental human rights of the LGBTQ has called for the states to have the same status as dignity as men and women. Netherlands is the first country of world by enact the law to certify the marriage rights of same-sex couples, include with many countries. As for Thailand has enacted the Civil and Commercial Code Amendment Act (No. 24) B.E. 2567, the Marriage Equality Act, it effective from January 22, 2568. The intention of the law is to certify rights of LGBTQ to legally register marriages as same as marriage rights of males and females, and potentiality in the future that Gen Z will leading dynamic change the ways Thai socio-cultural for LGBTQ marriages are equal by the law and practice.</p> ณัฐนิดา จบศรี Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of East Asian and ASEAN Studies https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-30 2025-12-30 25 2 34 48 ASEAN Centrality in the Era of Great Power Competition https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/eascramJ/article/view/280981 <p>The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was formed in 1967 with the Bangkok Conference as a bulwark against the spread of Communism in Southeast Asia. In its 57 years of existence ASEAN has proven to be a durable organization capable of organizational change. Furthermore, as the oldest and only standing regional organization with full membership of its region, or sub-region ASEAN has a large degree of credibility in international affairs. With the end of the Unipolar moment where the ‘West’ led by the United States exercised hegemony and beginning of a multipolar world ASEAN and its member states are entering into a new and dangerous period of great power competition. This holds both opportunities and perils similar in scope to the Cold War. This article will demonstrate using an historical and geopolitical approach that ASEAN will continue to play a pivotal and central role in East Asian international relations.</p> William J Jones Copyright (c) 2025 วารสารเอเชียตะวันออกและอาเซียนศึกษา https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-30 2025-12-30 25 2 49 81