Burapha Journal of Political Economy https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/pegbuu <p>Burapha Journal of Political Economy is an academic journal in economic and related of knowledge. It is published by the Faculty of Political Science and Law, Burapha University Semi-Annual Journal (January–June and July–December)</p> <p>Burapha Journal of Political Economy welcomes manuscripts to be considered for publication in the form of academic articles, such as; review articles, book reviews, seminar reports in the field of political economy in Thai or English. Such manuscripts should be sent to the editorial board (Please look at the article format at the end of the journal) for review process by peer reviewers in related field.</p> คณะรัฐศาสตร์และนิติศาสตร์ มหาวิทยาลัยบูรพา en-US Burapha Journal of Political Economy 3088-2133 Book Review : Comparative Constitutional Engineering: An Inquiry into Structures, Incentives, and Outcomes https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/pegbuu/article/view/270792 <p>-</p> Shotisa Cousnit Yared Akarapattananukul Copyright (c) 2025 Burapha Journal of Political Economy 2025-06-30 2025-06-30 13 1 191 195 Book Review: Media, Economy, and Society: A Critical Introduction https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/pegbuu/article/view/277390 Yurawatdhanan Sathathondhornrat Copyright (c) 2025 Burapha Journal of Political Economy 2025-06-30 2025-06-30 13 1 196 220 Rethinking Development: Greenspace Management, Urban Planning, and Social Movement in Nakhon Nayok Province https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/pegbuu/article/view/278295 <p> The development of the Eastern Seaboard project, initially incorporated into the Fifth Economic Development Plan, resulted in the expansion of economic development zones in the Eastern region of Thailand. Currently, economic development plans are an integral part of policy decision-making, particularly in urban planning, with a focus on urban development in Nakhon Nayok Province. This includes the revision of urban planning schemes and the utilization of green spaces through urban planning strategies. Such developments have led to conflicts arising from industrialization within the green areas of Nakhon Nayok. The management of these green spaces by the state has not yielded benefits for local communities; instead, it has facilitated industrial expansion, resulting in various environmental issues, including soil, water, and air pollution. This situation has triggered civil society movements advocating for public participation in the development and sustainable use of green spaces in the province. Consequently, this paper aims to review the past management of green spaces and urban planning by the state, analyze the movements for the management of green areas in Nakhon Nayok, and propose alternative strategies for the transformation of green space development in the province by studying through a green political economy perspective.</p> Thouchanok Sattayavinit Copyright (c) 2025 Burapha Journal of Political Economy 2025-06-30 2025-06-30 13 1 1 27 Political Mobilization Tactics of New Social Movements: A Comparative Case Study of the Sardine Movement in Italy and Flash Mobs Movement in Thailand https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/pegbuu/article/view/278375 <p>This article seeks to comparatively examine the tactical forms of political mobilization used by new social movements, with an emphasis on the use of social media as a tool for resource mobilization, referred to as "flash mobs." The study focuses on case studies with similarities in tactics but differences in spatial contexts to offer a relative perspective between traditional social movement analysis and the logic of connective action analysis.</p> <p> The findings reveal that flash mob tactics, utilizing social media for mobilization, serve as an effective mechanism for internal resource allocation within the movement but fail to function as a tool for negotiating with state power. Similarly, the logic of connective action framework explains the connection between social movements in virtual and real-world spaces. However, changes at various levels cannot overlook the significance of analyzing political opportunity structures. The case studies highlight that the level of demands and the political regime structure of each state remain the primary conditions defining the success of social movements in the digital era. A key recommendation is to prioritize the evaluation of movement dynamics through the concept of political impact. The consequences of interactions may reveal pathways for future movements.</p> Jaturong Suthawan Copyright (c) 2025 Burapha Journal of Political Economy 2025-06-30 2025-06-30 13 1 28 62 Neoclassical Economics Concept in The Undercover Economist https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/pegbuu/article/view/279218 <p> This article aims to study the concepts of neoclassical economics as presented in the book The Undercover Economist, written by Tim Harford and translated by Oranuch Anusaksethien. The study is conducted using a documentary research method.</p> <p> The findings reveal that the key ideas of neoclassical economics, particularly in the realm of microeconomics, as presented in The Undercover Economist, can be divided into two parts:</p> <p> The first part discusses the fundamental assumptions of neoclassical economics. These include the assumption that humans are rational beings capable of making choices that maximize their own satisfaction; the assumption that complex phenomena in the world can be simplified into rational principles to facilitate understanding; and the implicit assumption that the free market represents the real world.</p> <p> The second part presents the core concepts of neoclassical microeconomics, which include the concept of marginal analysis, the concept of market efficiency, and the concept of market failure.</p> <p> A critique arising from the study is that the situations Harford refers to as "the real world" are, in fact, merely one version of reality.</p> Tawan Wannarat Copyright (c) 2025 Burapha Journal of Political Economy 2025-06-30 2025-06-30 13 1 63 82 The Formation, Roles, and Development of We Volunteer and Its Impacts on the 2020 Thai Youth Movement https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/pegbuu/article/view/279540 <p> This research article examines the formation, role, and development of We Volunteer and its impact on the Thai youth movement of 2020. The foundation of this study arises from the attempt to answer why “guards” or security personnel are frequently seen in protest movements, particularly within the Thai civil society movements, especially in political contexts. It is found that most protests include a section called “the guard” as part of their organizational structure. While the role of the guards may differ in various movements, their primary mission remains consistent: to ensure the safety of protesters, protect key individuals, and facilitate the smooth running of the demonstration.</p> <p> Through both documentary research and interviews, it was discovered that the factors leading to the establishment of the guard section in Thai civil society movements are: (1) a lack of trust between protesters and state authorities. This refers to the fact that state officials, under the Thai democratic system, often violate the fundamental rights and freedoms of citizens in expressing themselves through protests; and (2) the inability of state authorities to facilitate protests according to democratic principles. These two factors led to the creation of a “guard” section by protest groups to ensure the effective exercise of their rights, as well as to protect the protesters, since state officials often harbor biases against protest groups, resulting in rights violations and physical violence.</p> <p> In addition to exploring why civil society movements in Thailand require guards, the researcher also studied the formation, role, and development of the We Volunteer group, which acts as security for Thai youth movement in 2020. The study found that the role of We Volunteer is more dynamic than just providing security at protest sites; they also play a crucial role in supporting the effectiveness of Thai youth movement in 2020. Furthermore, the guard section plays an important role in the strategy of nonviolence, which directly affects the success or failure of the movement.</p> Rattapoom Lertpaijit Copyright (c) 2025 Burapha Journal of Political Economy 2025-06-30 2025-06-30 13 1 83 107 Contract Farming: States, Capitalists, and Farmers on the Mae Sot, Thailand-Myawaddy Myanmar Border https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/pegbuu/article/view/279892 <p>This article examines contract farming in the Mae Sot–Myawaddy border region by analyzing the interdependent roles of the state, capitalists, and farmers within regional economic frameworks such as ACMECS and the ASEAN Integration System of Preferences (AISP). Rather than viewing contract farming solely as a development strategy, the article presents it as a mechanism that reshapes agrarian relations, power structures, and social dynamics in border areas. The study is based on an extensive review of relevant literature and empirical research, drawing from both theoretical analyses and field-based studies. The author critiques overly optimistic portrayals of contract farming, arguing that despite its potential to offer market access and production support, it can also deepen inequality, environmental harm, and economic dependency particularly for smallholders. By classifying contract farming into formal and informal systems, the article emphasizes how its impacts vary according to farmers' socio-economic status. Using the Mae Sot–Myawaddy region as a case study, the article contextualizes broader patterns of transnational agrarian capitalism. It contributes to existing scholarship by calling for fairer governance mechanisms, stronger protections for farmers, and a reevaluation of contract farming as both an economic and political process shaping borderland development.</p> Wasan Pounpunwong Copyright (c) 2025 Burapha Journal of Political Economy 2025-06-30 2025-06-30 13 1 108 128 Political Thoughts of Thai Middle Class, Democratization, and the Proposition of 1997 Economic Crisis as a Critical Juncture https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/pegbuu/article/view/279750 <p>Mainstream democratic theories argue that the middle class is a significant force influencing democratic society. But this is not the case for Thailand. This paper aims to make understanding the reason that Thai political regime has not developed into democracy despite the increasing number and role of the middle class. The political economy framework of superstructure and substructure was employed to organize the literature and analyze political thoughts and roles of the Thai middle class. The results revealed that the superstructure was linked to the hegemony of the “good-man” discourse promoted by conservative group, which did not support democratic power. Additionally, the analysis of the substructure showed that undemocratic movements achieved some success because they were able to align different interests among various sub-political groups. This paper critiques previous studies on middle-class political thoughts for underestimating the significance of the 1997 economic crisis, which may have been hypothesized as a critical juncture shifting the middle class away from democratization.</p> Tarin Tangsittisomboon Norachit Jirasatthumb Copyright (c) 2025 Burapha Journal of Political Economy 2025-06-30 2025-06-30 13 1 129 152 Dynamics of Power Structures and the Adaptation of Local Political Groups in the Election of the Chonburi Provincial Administrative Organization Chief Executive (PAO Chief) and Members of the Chonburi Provincial Administrative Organization Council (PAO Councilors) in 2025 https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/pegbuu/article/view/280572 <p>This study aims to examine the dynamics of power structures and the adaptation of local political groups in the 2025 election of the President and Members of the Chonburi Provincial Administrative Organization Council. Employing qualitative research methods, the study draws on in-depth interviews and documentary analysis. The findings reveal that the local political power structure in Chonburi has shifted from a single-pole structure dominated by the Bangsaen political dynasty to a three-pole configuration comprising the Bangsaen group, the New Power group, and the People's Party. This transformation has led to the adaptation of political groups in several dimensions: (1) a shift toward policy-oriented politics, (2) strategic adjustments in electoral campaigning, (3) management of campaign teams, and (4) responsiveness to public expectations regarding good governance. This research contributes new knowledge on the model of tripolar politics at the local level and the complex adaptations of political groups under shifting power dynamics. It also highlights the expanding role of national political parties in local politics within a context of heightened political awareness among the public.</p> Olarn Thinbangtieo Copyright (c) 2025 Burapha Journal of Political Economy 2025-06-30 2025-06-30 13 1 153 172 National Reform Discourses of Thailand's National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO.) https://so01.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/pegbuu/article/view/280580 <p>This research aims to study the structural conditions affecting the construction of discourse and to study the consequences after the construction of the discourse on political reform of the country by the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) by using the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) method combined with Michel Foucault's genealogy and Archaeology of Knowledge methodology to study the structural conditions that influence the production of discourse, in conjunction with the study of discourse according to the approaches of Fairclough and Habermas to reveal the perspective on the consequences in society after the construction of the discourse on political reform of the country by the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO.). The study found that there are two structural conditions impacting the construction of discourse: ideological conditions and social conditions. The details are as follows: In the ideological conditions, there are three ideologies: 1. An ideology against representative democracy 2. An ideology of nation, religion, and monarchy 3. A mainstream Thai ideology. In terms of social and political conditions, there are a total of 2 components: 1. Political conflict 2. Efforts to create political legitimacy. The consequences that arise after the construction of the discourse of political reform in the country by the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) are the emergence of policies for political reform and the attempt to maintain power over political opponents of the NCPO. Under the findings of the research, it is proposed that in Thai society and politics, there must be a safe space for expressing thoughts and demonstrating political will for everyone in society. Solving problems through strict law enforcement without compromise to control the expression of political will will inevitably lead to dissatisfaction and create rifts among people in society.</p> Anupat Thuamam Chainarong Krueanuan Copyright (c) 2025 Burapha Journal of Political Economy 2025-06-30 2025-06-30 13 1 173 190